Constitutional crises in the past

Sarawak 1977
Sarawak presented the first constitutional crisis in Malaysia.

H.P Lee in Constitutional Conflicts in Contemporary Malaysia related that Stephen Kalong Ningkan was appointed as Chief Minister of Sarawak on 22 July 1963.

On 16 June 1966, Sarawak Governor, Abang Haji Openg called for the resignation of Stephen with support from majority members of the State Legislature of Sarawak also known as Council Negri. Openg and members of Council had lost confidence.

Instead of resigning Stephen urged a reconvening of state assembly to test the notion of non – confidence.

In an effort to dismiss Stephen, Abang Haji Openg and members of the state cabinet appointed Tawi Sli as the new chief Minister on 17 June 1966.

Stephen instituted legal proceedings at Kuching High Court to declare his dismissal as void and restrain Tawi Sli from acting as Sarawak Chief Minister.

During the trial the governor stated that he dismissed Ningkan on receipt of a letter signed by 21 members of state assembly who lost confidence in Ningkan.

In passing his judgement, Chief Justice Harley Ag ruled that the dismissal of Stephen was void. He concluded that based on the provisions of the Sarawak constitution, lack of confidence can only be demonstrated by vote in the state assembly.

Stephen was reinstated. In a second attempt, Tawi Sli and Abang Haji Openg requested reconvening of state legislative assembly. A motion of no confidence was moved. Abang Haji Openg received signed statutory declarations from twenty five members of state legislative assembly. Stephen retaliated by calling for dissolution of state assembly and fresh state elections. Abang Haji refused consent since the position of governor provided absolute discretion in the matters of state assembly dissolution.

Under these circumstances, Agong proclaimed a state of emergency and Parliament passed the Emergency (Federal Constitution and Constitution of Sarawak) Act 1966. The act solved the constitutional crisis in Sarawak by empowering the governor to convene state legislative assembly at his absolute discretion. The power to dismiss the chief minister should the chief minister fail to resign after a vote of no confidence passed against him was also bestowed to the governor.

Kelantan 1977

PAS joined the Alliance government in 1973. It was acknowledged to have a stronghold in the state of Kelantan. After the formation of Barisan Nasional in 1974, UMNO’s promise of non – interference were not kept.

At the state level as Umno-PAS rivalries intensified, leading eventually to PAS’ decision to remove the incumbent Mentri Besar Mohamed Nasir for defying party instructions in 1977.
Mohd Nasir appeared to be more a recalcitrant than an Umno convert, but his defiance towards the PAS leadership gave Umno great satisfaction. PAS called for his resignation, but he refused, and presented himself as the champion of an honest and clean government against corrupt and self-serving politicians.

A “no-confidence” motion was tabled in the Kelantan state assembly and carried by 20 PAS votes after 13 Umno and one MCA assembly members walked out in protest.
A legal impasse followed when Mohamed Nasir called for the dissolution of the state assembly. His supporters demonstrated in the streets, and violence and looting erupted.
At the federal level, Hussein Onn took over prime ministership following Tun Razak’s untimely death.

This led the Federal government to ask the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to declare an Emergency and a curfew in the state capital in 1977.

H. P Lee in Constitutional Conflicts in Contemporary Malaysia notes that Hussein Onn invoked Article 150 of the Federal Constitution to deal with the problem. Article 150 of the Federal Constitution is on proclamation of emergency.

An emergency bill for Kelantan, pending a new state election, was rushed through Parliament and passed with 118 votes in support, and 18 against. Of the 14 PAS members, 12 voted against while all six DAP members opposed the motion. The bill is known as Emergency Powers (Kelantan) Act 1977.

PAS members who held office in the BN government resigned but said they would remain in the BN. However, the BN Council decided to expel all members who had voted against the Kelantan Emergency Bill.

The emergency was lifted in February 1978 and in the March state elections was held. Umno then formed the state government after defeating PAS.

Sabah 1985

Berjaya under the leadership of then Chief Minister Harris Salleh lost Sabah in the state elections in 1985 to Joseph Pairin Kitingan's Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS). PBS controlled 26 seats in the 48 seat state assembly. United Sabah National Organisation (USNO) led by Mustapha Harun won 16 seats and Berjaya had only 6 seats.

In an attempt to seize the state from PBS, Gordon P. Means in Malaysian Politics: The Second Generation explained:

“Harris Salleh conceived of a scheme to deny his arch-rival and critic, Joseph Pairin Kitingan, of the fruits of victory. Under the Sabah constitution, … the Chief Minister had the power to appoint six non – elected assemblymen. Berjaya, with its six appointed members would support Tun Mustapha for Chief Minister, who with USNO’s 16 elected members, and the 6 appointed members would constitute a majority of 28 in the 48-member Assembly. By this move Berjaya would also have power to force a new election at any favourable moment so as to recoup its losses.”

Ling Jiew Bu in his book, The Night That Shook Sabah: The Tun Mustapha Writ stated that the incident was called “Palace Coup”. Mustapha Harun along with his supporters entered the residence of Sabah Governor in the middle of the night, forcing the governor to appoint him Chief Minister on 22nd April 1985 at 5.30am.

The appointment was revoked on the same day as Pairin was appointed and sworn in as chief minister.

Mustapha Harun claimed that the governor’s revocation of his appointment as Chief Minister on 22nd April was ultra vires in court.

Justice Tan Chiaw Thong of the High Court dismissed Mustapha’s claim based on Article 6(3) of the Sabah state constitution.

Conclusion

How are all these crises relevant to the current Perak crisis? All the above crises proves that a motion of no confidence is essential in the removal of the chief minister or the current government. Failure to do so would open the option of a state of emergency.

The battle for two hills

The battle for the two hills - Bukit Gantang and Bukit Selambau is an opportunity for BN to regain the seats that was previously won by Pakatan Rakyat candidates (though V Arumugam in Bukit Selambau won as an Independent before joining PKR).

Bukit Gantang
The Bukit Gantang parliamentary seat would witness a stand – off between UMNO and PAS. Election campaign issues may most likely to be raised is a stand off between people’s democracy for PAS and UMNO’s Daulat Tuanku (protecting the sovereignty of Perak monarchy). These are the issues arising from the ongoing political crisis in Perak. PAS, in return, may use the "Kill Indians or the snake first" as the assemblywoman has been appointed as Exco to win Indian votes.

Unlike Permatang Pauh, the Perak government will not be galvanised to rally for the PAS candidate. Going by the trends of previous two by – elections, there may be one or two Independent candidates but their chances would be nil. Chances for Bukit Gantang parliamentary by – election to be held on a weekend are pretty high as that would be in favour of the current BN administration.

Bukit Selambau
As for Bukit Selambau, MIC would again face off PKR’s Indian candidate. The state government may announce a public holiday if the by - election is held on a week day similar to Guan Eng’s decision during Permatang Pauh by – election. As for issues, PKR would most probably be able to use V Arumugam’s presence as evidence of Barisan’s alleged dirty politics. In addition Arumugam had previously lodged a police report alleging certain parties who were lobbying for him to defect. To counter that, MIC and the BN machinery may remind electorates that Kedah’s PAS government is supportive of V Arumugam who is alleged to have taken a second wife.

I also do not foresee the possibility of a three corner fight in this state constituency via insignificant parties such as AKIM or independent candidates.

Numbers trivia
Bukit Selambau would actually be the first state seat where a by – election has been called since general elections in March 8, 2008.

Bukit Gantang is the second parliamentary seat to be vacated as a result of the death of its parliamentarian. The first was Kuala Terengganu.

Having said all these, in the battle for both the hills the choice of representative would ultimately be decided by the electorate in these two hill constituencies.

Adopting Indian anti - defection law in the context of Perak crisis and Federal Constitution

Proposals for anti-defection laws have been made in Malaysia in 2008 by the then Minister in Prime Minister’s Department, Zaid Ibrahim. The urgency for anti-defection law in the Malaysia is imminent due to defections that led to the fall of state government.

Anti - defection laws are currently used in countries such as India, South Africa, Zambia and Portugal.

In India, provisions for anti – defection laws is provided for in the tenth schedule of the Indian constitution. The tenth schedule disqualifies an Indian elected representative on the following grounds:
a) if he has voluntarily given up his membership of such political party; or
b) if he votes or abstains from voting in such House contrary to any direction issued by the political party to which he belongs or by any person or authority authorized by it in this behalf, without obtaining, in either case, the prior permission of such political party, person or authority and such voting or abstention has not been condoned by such political party, person or authority within fifteen days from the date of such voting or abstention. (http://haryanaassembly.gov.in/WriteReadData%5CExtraLinksInformation%5CAntiDefectionLaw.htm)

Going by the above grounds, two members of parliament, S Sothinathan (MIC – BN), and Shahrir Samad (UMNO – BN) can be disqualified for voting contrary to the interest of the party. Shahrir Samad supported a motion moved by Lim Kit Siang in the previous assembly session. He quit as BN Backbencher Club chair subsequently. S Sothinathan was suspended from his responsibility as deputy minister when he supported opposition motion over the issue of not recognising medical degrees from Russian universities.

Applying clause 2 of the Indian anti – defection law to the Perak crisis would have solved the issue altogether as it reads as the following:
An elected member of a House who has been elected as such otherwise than as a candidate set up by any political party shall be disqualified for being a member of the House if he joins any political party after such election.
Amendments made to in 2003 the Indian anti – defection law disallows block defections thus the Indian model of anti – defection law.

Applying the Indian law to the context of the Perak crisis, the disqualification of the four ADUN cannot be challenged in the court of law as the courts shall have no jurisdiction in respect to matters connected to disqualification of a member of the House.

On a larger scale a complete adoption of the Indian anti – defection law which includes the Constitution (91st Amendment) Act 2003 (http://lawmin.nic.in/legislative/press-release.htm) would not create a problem for the incoming Najib government as it restricts the number of Cabinet members to just 33.

Having shown the compatibility of the Indian anti – defection law in the context of Malaysia, I would now turn my attention to the Federal Constitution since no acts contradicting Federal Constitution can be law in Malaysia as stipulated in Article 4.

Unfortunately though, Professor of Law in University of Malaya Dr Azmi Sharom stated (NTV7 8pm News, 9 February 2009) that application of “anti-hopping laws” contravenes Article 10 in the constitution.

Article 10 of the constitution reads as the following:
(1) Subject to Clauses (2), (3) and (4) -
a) every citizen has the right to freedom of speech and expression;
b) all citizens have the right to assemble peacefully and without arms;
c) all citizens have the right to form associations

I beg to differ from the opinion of Dr Azmi Sharom as it his arguments are more suited to be used controversial acts such Internal Security Act (ISA) 1960. If ISA can be accepted along side the Federal Constitution, so can anti defection law.

PAS: Antara retorik, persepsi dan realiti

Pilihanraya umum tahun lepas memperlihatkan parti PAS mengetengahkan idealisme sahsiahnya menerusi slogan PAS Untuk Semua. Parti Islam ini turut menurunkan R Kumutha, seorang calon bukan Islam sebagai calon DUN Tiram, Johor. Walau bagaimanapun, Kumutha tewas di tangan Maulizan Bujang dari UMNO (sebanyak 8,178 undi. Soalannya kini adalah sejauh mana slogan PAS untuk Semua direalisasikan? Berapa banyak isu – isu kaum bukan Islam yang telah diperjuangkan oleh PAS sejak Mac 8? Apakah PAS Untuk Semua cuma retorik politik semata – mata? Persoalan ini dikupas oleh Malaysiakini.

Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad: Pengarah Pusat Kajian PAS & Ahli Parlimen Kuala Selangor

S: Adakah slogan PAS yang digunakan dalam pilihanraya umum retorik semata – mata?

Tidak sama sekali. PAS Untuk Semua bukan retorik. Ia merupakan asas kepada political conviction dan kepercayaan agama. Sistem keadilan adalah suatu elemen yang sejagat. Ia juga selaras dengan konsep rahmatalilamin. Islam adalah mercy dan rahmat kepada umat manusia sejagat. Ia merupakan suatu premis di atas conviction.

Tadbir urus yang baik, keadilan dan kesaksamaan ekonomi dan peningkatan kualiti hidup adalah merupakan usaha – usaha yang diperjuanagkan melalui konsep PAS Untuk Semua.

Semua ini dibuat berdasarkan 2 prinsip Islam iaitu al – iskhtilaf dan al – istikmar. Al – iskhtilaf merujuk kepada tadbir urus kerajaan. Ia merupakan ‘buzzword’ dalam Islam yang sinonim kepada ‘competency, kewibawaan dan ketelusan’. Al iskhtilaf turut meliputi pengedaran kekayaan yang adil, keadilan dan menentang pembaziran. Semua ini ditonjolkan menerusi manifesto pilihanraya parti PAS.

Al – istikmar pula merujuk kepada usaha ke arah kemakmuran. Kerajaan seharusnya berusaha memakmurkan rakyat seperti mana yang disebutkan dalam surah Al-Hud ayat 61.

S: Sejauh manakah PAS telah merealisasikan slogan ini? Jika kita lihat parti DAP, saudara Lim Guan Eng telah mengorbankan kebebasan demi untuk mendapatkan keadilan untuk seorang gadis bawah umur yang telah mendakwa dirinya dirogol. Saya tidak melihat sebarang tindakan sedemikian rupa dari PAS.

Mungkin anda tidak mengikuti perkembangan PAS. Tokong Buddha terbesar terletak di Kelantan. Kami di PAS berusaha ke arah mencapai penggabungan kepelbagaian budaya dan agama. (‘embodiment of religious and cultural plurality’)

Di negeri Kelantan, Menteri Besar, Tok Guru Nik Aziz Nik Mat merasmikan pembukaan tempat beribadat masyarakat bukan Islam. Ia merupakan tanggungjawab kami.

Selain itu PAS turut mempertahankan hak demokratik rakyat belajar matapelajaran Matematik dan Sains dalam bahasa Cina dan Tamil. Kami juga turut mempertahankan hak – hak kumpulan yang telah tertindas seperti masyarakat India dan kumpulan HINDRAF. PAS telah menyuarakan rasa tidak puas hatinya terhadap layanan terhadap kumpulan – kumpulan tertindas di Parlimen.

S: Bagaimana pula dengan bantahan PAS Wilayah terhadap konsert – konsert artis?

Kami di PAS menerima baik kepelbagaian. Islam sendiri menggalakkan kepelbagaian. Terdapat 4 aliran di dalam Sunni Islam iaitu Hambali, Shafie, Maliki dan Hanafi

Dalam isu fatwa yoga dan demonstrasi di pekarangan Majlis Peguam, saya mempunyai pandangan yang berbeza sama sekali. Saya turut menyuarakan perbezaan pandangan ini kepada Ketua Pemuda, Salahuddin Ayub. Kumpulan Pusat Penyelidikan PAS menentang pengharaman forum Majlis Peguam tersebut kerana ia memberi gambaran bahawa Islam terkongkong dalam ‘siege mentality’.

PAS perlu menjadi lebih ‘savvy’. Kami faham pemodenan dalam konteks Islam. Jika pemodenan membawa kepada peningkatan taraf hidup, kami akan turut menerimanya dengan hati terbuka. Jika pemodenan membawa kepada gejala – gejala seperti lesbianisme, maka kami akan menentang pemodenan tersebut. Kami pasti masyarakat India dan Cina akan turut hyper - pemodenan yang sebegitu rupa.

Berbalik kepada isu konsert, kami merupakan kumpulan Islamis, demokrat dan urbane dan turut menganjurkan konsert – konsert untuk anak – anak muda.

S: Apakah tahap sambutan yang diberi kepada Kelab Penyokong PAS dari masyarakat bukan Islam?

Sambutan yang diterima adalah amat baik sekali. Di kawasan Kuala Selangor sendiri, jumlah Kelab Penyokong PAS melebihi jumlah cawangan PAS. Terdapat 33 kelab berbanding 28 cawangan.

Pada satu masa respon yang diterima sangat teruk kerana pelbagai kempen dari UMNO dan Barisan Nasional. Pusat Kajian PAS bertekad mengubahnya. Justeru itu, usaha – usaha ini dijalankan. PAS tidak menakutkan rakyat, malah kita berusaha untuk berkomunikasi dengan segenap lapisan masyarakat.

S: YB telah menyatakan bahawa Islam mementingkan kesaksamaan. Walau bagaimanapun dalam konteks PAS, Kelab Penyokong PAS tidak setaraf dengan Dewan Ulama dan Muslimat. Bila Kelab ini akan dinaiktarafkan kepada Dewan?

Idea kelab ini adalah sangat baru. PAS masih belajar. Pada masa sekarang, terdapat Dewan Ulama, Pemuda dan Muslimat. Selain Kelab Penyokong PAS yang tidak mempunyai status, Nisa tidak mempunyai status dewan. Ia merupakan organisasi yang menyerupai Puteri UMNO.

Ketua Lajnah Perpaduan Nasional, Dr Mujahid Rawa telah pun mencadangkan penubuhan dewan penuh untuk kelab penyokong. Ia merupakan satu fenomena baru bagi kami di PAS untuk menerima penyokong PAS bukan Islam. PAS kini mengorak langkah ke arah menjadi ke arah menjadi parti yang lebih nasional dengan menerima masyarakat bukan Islam.

Sebenarnya kami terutamanya golongan muda di dalam PAS mempunyai pemikiran terbuka dan mengalu – alukan pemberian status Dewan untuk Kelab Penyokong PAS. Golongan ulama masih belum menerima politik baru ini di mana kita mengamalkan constructive engagement. Kelab Penyokong PAS sekarang akan dinaiktaraf kepada Dewan sebelum pilihanraya umum seterusnya. Kami sebenarnya masih mengorak langkah dalam era politik baru. Justeru itu, ia akan mengambil masa.

PAS juga telah memulakan kempen “Kita Bersaudara” di seluruh negara. Jika diteliti, terhadap tiga tahap kesatuan (brotherhood). Peringkat pertama ialah kesatuan etnik; kedua, kesatuan ummah dan ketiga, kesatuan kemanusiaan (brotherhood of humanity).

Satu perkara yang harus difahami di sini adalah kami tidak berniat untuk mengIslamkan rakan – rakan bukan Islam yang menyokong PAS. Itu bukan objektif kami. Dua perkara yang saya harus ditekankan disini adalah pertamanya Islam adalah perkara yang berkaitan dengan kepercayaan umat Islam. Perkara yang kedua pula ialah kesaksamaan sejagat. Ciri – ciri kesaksamaan sejagat inilah yang dikongsi bersama dengan penyokong PAS bukan Islam.

Pendekatan yang turut merangkumi masyarakat bukan Islam yang pertama dalam dunia moden. Negara – negara Timur Tengah sendiri tidak mempunyai pendekatan sebegini. Inilah yang dimaksudkan dengan pendekatan kepelbagaian politik.

S: Sekiranya Kelab Penyokong PAS diberi taraf yang sama, tidakkah PAS akan kehilangan status Islamnya?

Tidak sama sekali. Dalam sejarah Islam, perlembagaan pertama digubal di kota Madinah. Madinah merupakan kota yang mempunyai pelbagai ahli masyarakat. Masyarakat merupakan pengikut agama Al – Kitab iaitu Yahudi dan Kristian. Nabi Muhammad s.a.w turut melibatkan ahli masyarakat Yahudi dan Kristian. Baginda menggelarkan keterlibatan ini sebagai ummatuliwahuda. Ini adalah selaras dengan kesatuan kemanusiaan.

Dr Mujahid Rawa: Timbalan Pesuruhjaya PAS Pulau Pinang dan Pengerusi Lajnah Perpaduan Nasional, Ahli Parlimen Parit Buntar

S: Bilakah kempen PAS Untuk Semua dilancarkan?

Ia dilancarkan dalam bulan September 2007. Beberapa bulan sebelum itu, kami di PAS telah menganjurkan pertandingan logo PAS Untuk Semua. Logo tersebut melambangkan PAS adalah parti berbilang kaum dan adalah untuk semua kam di Malaysia. Logo tersebut juga melambangkan perjuangan PAS untuk menyatukan rakyat sebagai rakyat bangsa Malaysia.

S: Terangkan usaha ke arah penubuhan Kelab Penyokong PAS.

Usaha ke arah penubuhan kelab ini bermula dalam tahun 2005. Idea kelab ini datang dari para penyokong bukan Islam. Kelab merupakan persada yang tidak rigid, mudah dan lebih ‘relaxed’.

Usaha ini diterajui oleh oleh Biro Perpaduan Nasional yang saya terajui. Kami telah memulakannya denagn mengadakan sesi dialog dan perbincangan dengan masyarakat bukan Islam.

Satu jawatan kuasa kawalan di peringkat pusat telah ditubuhkan untuk membolehkan ahli – ahli kelab berhubung terus kepimpinan PAS. Rancangan outreach yang dijalankan adalah atas daya usaha ahli kelab sendiri.

PAS menggalakkan ahli kelabnya menjalankan aktiviti outreach kepada ahli masyarakat mereka sendiri. Usaha mereka menunjukkan bahawa masyarakat bukan Islam mempunyai kepercayaan dalam perjuangan yang didukung PAS.

Di peringkat pusat ia diusahakan dengan lebih giat apabila PAS pusat meluluskan ‘bill of national unity’. Pada peringkat awal usaha yang dibuat lebih bertumpu kepada masyarakat Cina.

Di peringkat operasi terdapat Kelab Penyokong PAS Cina dan Kelab Penyokong PAS India. Kami turut membuka Kelab Penyokong PAS Iban di Sarawak. Kelab – kelab ini berada di bawah Lajnah Perpaduan Nasional.

S: Berapakah jumlah ahli Kelab Penyokong PAS?

Pada masa sekarang terdapat 20,000 ahli.

S: Apakah komen Doktor berkenaan dengan taraf kelab berbanding dengan Dewan di dalam PAS?

Kami di PAS mementingkan kesamarataan. Pada masa sama saya sedar bahawa bahawa perlembagaan parti hanya membenarkan orang Islam menjadikan ahli penuh parti. Terdapat panggilan untuk menaiktaraf kelab kepada status dewan. Saya juga mahu ahli kelab komited dalam perjuangan PAS.

Dari segi keahlian, ahli – ahli kelab boleh diberi keahlian penuh atau ‘associated membership’.

S: Adakah ini bermakna kita boleh menyaksikan kemunculan ahli Senat, Parlimen atau DUN dari PAS dari masyarakat bukan Islam dan bukan Melayu di masa akan datang?

Ya. Kami boleh mencalonkan ahli kelab bukan Islam untuk mewakili PAS berdasarkan kepentingan parti.

Adakah PAS telah menjalankan sebarang rancangan sebelum tahun 2005 untuk mendekatkan parti dengan masyarakat bukan Islam da bukan Melayu?

Usaha pertama bermula dalam tahun 1980-an menerusi Majlis Perundingan di mana PAS telah berusaha ‘reach out’ pengundi Cina. Sekitar awal tahun 1990-an pila Biro Perpaduan Nasional ditubuhkan dan biro ini telah menjalankan aktiviti ‘outreach’ menerusi dialog dengan masyarakat Cina. Pusat Hubungan Antara Budaya pula beroperasi sekitar 1990an.

Kelab yang ada sekarang mempunyai impak yang lebih berbanding usaha – usaha di masa lepas. Kelab penyokong telah berjaya ‘swing’ undi masyarakat Cina. Di kalangan masyarakat India kumpulan Makkal Sakthi muncul dalam bulan Oktober 2007. Pada masa itu Kelab Penyokong PAS yang diterajui ahli masyarakat India sudah pun mula beroperasi.

PAS tidak memberikan reaksi pada ketika itu atas sebab – sebab politikal. Lagipun PAS merupakan parti pro-aktif.

S: Selain program PAS Untuk Semua dan Kelab Penyokong PAS adakah terdapat kempen lain?

Dewan Muslimat PAS turut menjalankan kempen “Kita Bersaudara”. Fokus kempen Kita Bersaudara diambil dari kempen PAS Untuk Semua iaitu keadilan dan kesaksamaan.